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Rep. Duncan Hunter's deep political and defense contracting ties formed over more than a quarter-century in Congress are paying off for his son at a critical moment.
Among Duncan D. Hunter's most generous campaign contributors as he runs to succeed his retiring father are the elder Hunter's congressional colleagues and defense contractors.
Duncan D. Hunter spoke Monday at a Memorial Day commemoration at Singing Hills Memorial Park in El Cajon with his father, Rep. Duncan Hunter, looking on.
An analysis by The San Diego Union-Tribune shows at least three defense contractors have benefited from special provisions, or earmarks, inserted into bills by the Alpine Republican, who was chairman of the House Armed Services Committee until the Democrats won control of the House in 2006.
Yet despite calls from another candidate to reject the controversial practice of earmarking, the younger Hunter has defended it and said he would continue the practice. The issue of whether Hunter would be beholden to defense contractors has become a central one in the 52nd Congressional District race.
Of Hunter's $640,547 in campaign funds, $74,150 have come from members of Congress, helping to give him a huge fundraising lead over rivals Brian Jones, Rick L. Powell and Bob Watkins. The four Republicans are competing for the party nomination in Tuesday's primary.
A recent poll showed the younger Hunter, 31, a captain in the Marine Corps Reserve, has a huge lead over the other Republicans.
Democrats Mike Lumpkin and Vickie Butcher are seeking their party's nomination, and Libertarian Michael Benoit is running as well. The district covers a big chunk of the county, including parts of San Diego and East County.
Forty-four percent of voters in the district are registered Republicans, 31 percent are Democrats and the rest are either nonpartisan or members of smaller parties. The district is such a Republican stronghold that Rep. Hunter has never been seriously challenged for re-election during his 28-year congressional career.
The contributions reveal the depths of similarities between a father and son, who already share an almost identical name, parallel political stances and campaign headquarters. Candidate Hunter took over the same La Mesa office and phone number his father used in his ill-fated presidential campaign. Someone accidentally answered the phone at Duncan D. Hunter's headquarters recently by saying, “Hunter for President,” before correcting herself.
The campaign finance records also offer a window into the symbiotic relationships that critics say crop up too often between earmark recipients and congressional campaigns.
Robert Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies, a watchdog organization in Los Angeles, said members of Congress should be barred from taking contributions from the recipients of their earmarks.
“Obviously, the earmark process is a real problem because what you're doing is giving federal money to people who turn around and give you campaign contributions,” Stern said. “It's almost an indirect way of public financing.”
Earmarking is the controversial practice of slipping federal money for pet projects into large spending bills with little or no public scrutiny. The practice is often done by a single member of Congress. It has come under increasing criticism after the case of former Rep. Randy “Duke” Cunningham, R-Rancho Santa Fe, who used his influence to place earmarks into the congressional budget in exchange for millions in money and gifts.
Cunningham pleaded guilty in late 2005 to charges of conspiracy and tax evasion and is serving time in federal prison. Cunningham admitted to accepting more than $2.4 million in bribes in exchange for assisting defense contractors in securing federal contracts.
Modest changes have led to increased levels of transparency on earmarks recently, said Steve Ellis, vice president with Taxpayers for Common Sense, a Washington-based nonpartisan government watchdog group.
Still, despite a push by Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., and others, the idea of a one-year moratorium on congressional earmarks was shelved this year.
If elected, candidate Hunter said he wouldn't allow the contributions from earmark beneficiaries to sway his decisions.
“I'm going to simply do what I feel is the right thing to do no matter what the issue is,” Hunter said. “I have people from all over giving me money, and each of them gives me money because they believe in what I stand for.”
He would continue his father's practice of inserting earmarks into congressional bills if he found it necessary, he said, such as getting funding to an urgent project quickly.
Jones has seized upon Hunter's position and made it a central campaign theme. Jones, 39, a Santee councilman and former minister, has been quick to try to distinguish himself from candidate Hunter in debates and forums by promising to oppose earmarks.
“The current pork barrel and earmark system gets us bridges to nowhere . . . planes that don't fly, and leads to waste, fraud and corruption,” Jones said.
Watkins, 65, a businessman and president of the San Diego County Board of Education, said he would rely on normal budget processes and would not support projects that aren't backed by federal departments, as Rep. Hunter has done at times.
“I think the Department of the Navy should determine whether they want to spend money on (something), not some rogue congressman,” Watkins said.
Without mentioning Hunter by name, Lumpkin, 43, a retired Navy SEAL commander, charged in a recent candidate forum that earmarks had become “a mechanism to get campaign contributions” for incumbents and candidates, though he said he thought there were worthwhile uses for them.
“They are a vehicle to get rapid funding when necessary,” he said, citing as an example the bridge collapse in Minnesota last year. “They must be an exception, not the rule.”
Records show connections between companies Rep. Hunter has worked with and some individuals who are contributing to his son's campaign.
Rep. Hunter added language to the 2008 Defense Appropriations bill awarding $19 million to L-3 Communications, which has an office in San Diego, for the development and testing of a missile system, according to data compiled by Taxpayers for Common Sense. Executives from that company contributed $2,750 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Rep. Hunter also earmarked San Diego-based Trex Enterprises Corp. $1.5 million for the development of a device that will help helicopter pilots navigate with limited visibility. Campaign finance records show Trex employees, including a scientist, donated $4,800 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Lobbyists working for the companies have also supported Hunter's campaign. Patrick McSwain and Frank Collins, who were listed as principals at the lobbying firm Northpoint Strategies, collectively donated $2,500. Northpoint worked on behalf of L-3. McSwain and Collins were both former Cunningham chiefs of staff.
Also contributing $1,000 to the Duncan D. Hunter campaign was Van Hipp, who was listed as chief executive officer at American Defense International, which records show lobbied on behalf of both Trex and L-3.
Another big source of campaign cash for Duncan D. Hunter is a La Jolla company known for building a controversial aircraft Rep. Hunter supported for years. The elder Hunter helped steer tens of millions of dollars to duPont Aerospace for the military jet, which the Pentagon did not want.
Company executives Carol and Anthony duPont have contributed a combined $5,100 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Rep. Hunter attributed the support at least in part to the name and reputation he said his son is earning.
Duncan D. Hunter's military experience, which includes tours in Afghanistan and Iraq, would help him bring special insights to Congress that a candidate with a background in business, law or local office might not, Rep. Hunter said. The service also shows “a pretty strong proof of commitment to the country,” Rep. Hunter said.
The congressman has also been busy working behind the scenes for his son.
“Dad's been talking to members of Congress,” said Dave Gilliard, a consultant to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign. “The California delegation really pushed real hard for him and that was real helpful.”
Union-Tribune library manager Merrie Monteagudo contributed to this report.
Michele Clock: (619) 593-4964; michele.clock@uniontrib.com
Among Duncan D. Hunter's most generous campaign contributors as he runs to succeed his retiring father are the elder Hunter's congressional colleagues and defense contractors.
Duncan D. Hunter spoke Monday at a Memorial Day commemoration at Singing Hills Memorial Park in El Cajon with his father, Rep. Duncan Hunter, looking on.
An analysis by The San Diego Union-Tribune shows at least three defense contractors have benefited from special provisions, or earmarks, inserted into bills by the Alpine Republican, who was chairman of the House Armed Services Committee until the Democrats won control of the House in 2006.
Yet despite calls from another candidate to reject the controversial practice of earmarking, the younger Hunter has defended it and said he would continue the practice. The issue of whether Hunter would be beholden to defense contractors has become a central one in the 52nd Congressional District race.
Of Hunter's $640,547 in campaign funds, $74,150 have come from members of Congress, helping to give him a huge fundraising lead over rivals Brian Jones, Rick L. Powell and Bob Watkins. The four Republicans are competing for the party nomination in Tuesday's primary.
A recent poll showed the younger Hunter, 31, a captain in the Marine Corps Reserve, has a huge lead over the other Republicans.
Democrats Mike Lumpkin and Vickie Butcher are seeking their party's nomination, and Libertarian Michael Benoit is running as well. The district covers a big chunk of the county, including parts of San Diego and East County.
Forty-four percent of voters in the district are registered Republicans, 31 percent are Democrats and the rest are either nonpartisan or members of smaller parties. The district is such a Republican stronghold that Rep. Hunter has never been seriously challenged for re-election during his 28-year congressional career.
The contributions reveal the depths of similarities between a father and son, who already share an almost identical name, parallel political stances and campaign headquarters. Candidate Hunter took over the same La Mesa office and phone number his father used in his ill-fated presidential campaign. Someone accidentally answered the phone at Duncan D. Hunter's headquarters recently by saying, “Hunter for President,” before correcting herself.
The campaign finance records also offer a window into the symbiotic relationships that critics say crop up too often between earmark recipients and congressional campaigns.
Robert Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies, a watchdog organization in Los Angeles, said members of Congress should be barred from taking contributions from the recipients of their earmarks.
“Obviously, the earmark process is a real problem because what you're doing is giving federal money to people who turn around and give you campaign contributions,” Stern said. “It's almost an indirect way of public financing.”
Earmarking is the controversial practice of slipping federal money for pet projects into large spending bills with little or no public scrutiny. The practice is often done by a single member of Congress. It has come under increasing criticism after the case of former Rep. Randy “Duke” Cunningham, R-Rancho Santa Fe, who used his influence to place earmarks into the congressional budget in exchange for millions in money and gifts.
Cunningham pleaded guilty in late 2005 to charges of conspiracy and tax evasion and is serving time in federal prison. Cunningham admitted to accepting more than $2.4 million in bribes in exchange for assisting defense contractors in securing federal contracts.
Modest changes have led to increased levels of transparency on earmarks recently, said Steve Ellis, vice president with Taxpayers for Common Sense, a Washington-based nonpartisan government watchdog group.
Still, despite a push by Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., and others, the idea of a one-year moratorium on congressional earmarks was shelved this year.
If elected, candidate Hunter said he wouldn't allow the contributions from earmark beneficiaries to sway his decisions.
“I'm going to simply do what I feel is the right thing to do no matter what the issue is,” Hunter said. “I have people from all over giving me money, and each of them gives me money because they believe in what I stand for.”
He would continue his father's practice of inserting earmarks into congressional bills if he found it necessary, he said, such as getting funding to an urgent project quickly.
Jones has seized upon Hunter's position and made it a central campaign theme. Jones, 39, a Santee councilman and former minister, has been quick to try to distinguish himself from candidate Hunter in debates and forums by promising to oppose earmarks.
“The current pork barrel and earmark system gets us bridges to nowhere . . . planes that don't fly, and leads to waste, fraud and corruption,” Jones said.
Watkins, 65, a businessman and president of the San Diego County Board of Education, said he would rely on normal budget processes and would not support projects that aren't backed by federal departments, as Rep. Hunter has done at times.
“I think the Department of the Navy should determine whether they want to spend money on (something), not some rogue congressman,” Watkins said.
Without mentioning Hunter by name, Lumpkin, 43, a retired Navy SEAL commander, charged in a recent candidate forum that earmarks had become “a mechanism to get campaign contributions” for incumbents and candidates, though he said he thought there were worthwhile uses for them.
“They are a vehicle to get rapid funding when necessary,” he said, citing as an example the bridge collapse in Minnesota last year. “They must be an exception, not the rule.”
Records show connections between companies Rep. Hunter has worked with and some individuals who are contributing to his son's campaign.
Rep. Hunter added language to the 2008 Defense Appropriations bill awarding $19 million to L-3 Communications, which has an office in San Diego, for the development and testing of a missile system, according to data compiled by Taxpayers for Common Sense. Executives from that company contributed $2,750 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Rep. Hunter also earmarked San Diego-based Trex Enterprises Corp. $1.5 million for the development of a device that will help helicopter pilots navigate with limited visibility. Campaign finance records show Trex employees, including a scientist, donated $4,800 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Lobbyists working for the companies have also supported Hunter's campaign. Patrick McSwain and Frank Collins, who were listed as principals at the lobbying firm Northpoint Strategies, collectively donated $2,500. Northpoint worked on behalf of L-3. McSwain and Collins were both former Cunningham chiefs of staff.
Also contributing $1,000 to the Duncan D. Hunter campaign was Van Hipp, who was listed as chief executive officer at American Defense International, which records show lobbied on behalf of both Trex and L-3.
Another big source of campaign cash for Duncan D. Hunter is a La Jolla company known for building a controversial aircraft Rep. Hunter supported for years. The elder Hunter helped steer tens of millions of dollars to duPont Aerospace for the military jet, which the Pentagon did not want.
Company executives Carol and Anthony duPont have contributed a combined $5,100 to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign.
Rep. Hunter attributed the support at least in part to the name and reputation he said his son is earning.
Duncan D. Hunter's military experience, which includes tours in Afghanistan and Iraq, would help him bring special insights to Congress that a candidate with a background in business, law or local office might not, Rep. Hunter said. The service also shows “a pretty strong proof of commitment to the country,” Rep. Hunter said.
The congressman has also been busy working behind the scenes for his son.
“Dad's been talking to members of Congress,” said Dave Gilliard, a consultant to Duncan D. Hunter's campaign. “The California delegation really pushed real hard for him and that was real helpful.”
Union-Tribune library manager Merrie Monteagudo contributed to this report.
Michele Clock: (619) 593-4964; michele.clock@uniontrib.com
