News
Dec 08 2007
GOP headed toward a road less moderate?
There have been a lot of surprise retirements among Republicans in Congress this year, but none as stunning as that of Trent Lott, who leaves this month.
The senior senator from Mississippi first came to the Capitol 34 years ago as a congressman. Lott has weathered much controversy, including his embrace of former Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., a white segregationist. Lott, the GOP Senate whip, fought hard for Mississippi, winning earmarks and government contracts that weren't always ideal for the public.
The mess with the Coast Guard's $24 billion Deepwater program, which has built boats that don't float, is partly due to Lott's insistence that new cutters be made with composite-material hulls, not steel. Shipyards that make composites are in Mississippi.
But the buzz in the Capitol after Lott's announcement took an odd turn when Democrats and the media began realizing that, tough as he was, Lott was doggone moderate compared with some in his caucus who are moving up.
"He was a dealmaker," Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., told Roll Call.
This year, when Senate Republicans dropped into the minority, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., Lott and their caucus began losing control to four conservative members with clout among several large and vocal interest groups -- John Kyl of Arizona, Tom Coburn of Oklahoma, Jim DeMint of South Carolina and John Cornyn of Texas.
By summer, Sen. Patty Murray, a member of Democratic leadership, noted that a core group within the GOP ranks was gaining power.
McConnell could not get backing for even minor compromises with Democrats, in areas ranging from taxes to children's health care.
McConnell may sound strident, but he quietly shares with Reid a desire to make the Senate work. But Coburn, for instance, has held up many bills that involve earmarks and new spending. One, worth about $7 million over the next few years, would increase regulations on pool makers because of accidental deaths of children attributed to pool drains.
Kyl and his allies also strongly oppose issues related to birth control and stem-cell research, infuriating Murray.
On Thursday, Kyl was elected to take Lott's place in January, as the new No. 2, the enforcer. He told Roll Call that he "can't be a patsy."
With McConnell facing re-election, and the presidential race in full swing, McConnell can't afford to get into a public fight with his right wing.
That leads to the question: How does a legislative caucus function with an ideologically driven group in the driver's seat?
Democrats have grappled with that themselves. It's keeping a hum in the halls of Congress.
The senior senator from Mississippi first came to the Capitol 34 years ago as a congressman. Lott has weathered much controversy, including his embrace of former Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., a white segregationist. Lott, the GOP Senate whip, fought hard for Mississippi, winning earmarks and government contracts that weren't always ideal for the public.
The mess with the Coast Guard's $24 billion Deepwater program, which has built boats that don't float, is partly due to Lott's insistence that new cutters be made with composite-material hulls, not steel. Shipyards that make composites are in Mississippi.
But the buzz in the Capitol after Lott's announcement took an odd turn when Democrats and the media began realizing that, tough as he was, Lott was doggone moderate compared with some in his caucus who are moving up.
"He was a dealmaker," Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., told Roll Call.
This year, when Senate Republicans dropped into the minority, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., Lott and their caucus began losing control to four conservative members with clout among several large and vocal interest groups -- John Kyl of Arizona, Tom Coburn of Oklahoma, Jim DeMint of South Carolina and John Cornyn of Texas.
By summer, Sen. Patty Murray, a member of Democratic leadership, noted that a core group within the GOP ranks was gaining power.
McConnell could not get backing for even minor compromises with Democrats, in areas ranging from taxes to children's health care.
McConnell may sound strident, but he quietly shares with Reid a desire to make the Senate work. But Coburn, for instance, has held up many bills that involve earmarks and new spending. One, worth about $7 million over the next few years, would increase regulations on pool makers because of accidental deaths of children attributed to pool drains.
Kyl and his allies also strongly oppose issues related to birth control and stem-cell research, infuriating Murray.
On Thursday, Kyl was elected to take Lott's place in January, as the new No. 2, the enforcer. He told Roll Call that he "can't be a patsy."
With McConnell facing re-election, and the presidential race in full swing, McConnell can't afford to get into a public fight with his right wing.
That leads to the question: How does a legislative caucus function with an ideologically driven group in the driver's seat?
Democrats have grappled with that themselves. It's keeping a hum in the halls of Congress.
